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Redlined Neighborhoods Bear The Brunt of Extreme Heat

Grist Jan 20, 2020
This article is deemed a must-read by one or more of our expert collaborators.
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The Deadly Combination of Redlining and Climate Change
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Giving Compass’ Take:

• Rachel Ramirez reports that 94% of redlined neighborhoods have elevated surface temperatures when compared to the averages for their city. As climate change intensifies, these neighborhoods will disproportionately bear the burden of extreme heat. 

• How can philanthropy protect marginalized communities from the consequences of climate change? How have redlining and other racist policies shaped your city? Which neighborhoods need support?  

• This article is part of our Climate Justice collection. Read more about climate justice, and learn what you can do to help.


Severe heat kills more people in the United States than any other hazardous weather-related event. As climate change accelerates, the sweltering heat will become much more extreme, and the associated mortality rate will rise.

Like so many aspects of the climate crisis, heat doesn’t affect all people equally. Marginalized low-income communities of color, especially those in larger cities such as New York and Los Angeles, bear the brunt of heat waves. These concrete jungles with barely any green space to cool them down are drastically hotter than their surrounding suburbs and rural areas — a phenomenon known as the “urban heat island effect.”

And that’s not an accident. It’s the result of decades-old policy choices that are still reverberating today. A new study published in the journal Climate found that the historical practice of “redlining” is a strong predictor of which neighborhoods are disproportionately exposed to extreme heat.

“Our zip codes are also one of the major predictors of our health,” said Vivek Shandas, one of the authors of the study and a professor of climate adaptation at Portland State University. “By separating housing policy from climate change, we’re doing a disservice to our ability to create safe spaces, particularly among those communities who don’t have a choice about where to live.”

Historically, redlining was an effort to segregate communities of color by refusing to give them housing loans and insurance. The federal government, faced with affordable housing shortages in the early 1930s, designed a housing plan that helped middle- and lower-class white families afford homes but left communities of color — particularly African-American communities — out of new suburban housing developments.

Although the practice of redlining was banned in the late 1960s, remnants of the discriminatory practice are still evident till this day — and are now being linked to the biggest existential threat of our time. The analysis examined 108 urban areas across the country, and found that 94 percent of historically redlined neighborhoods are consistently hotter than the rest of the neighborhoods in their cities, underscoring a major environmental justice issue. Portland, Oregon, showed one of the largest heat disparities between redlined and non-redlined communities — up to 12.6 degrees F.

This article is part of our Climate Justice collection. Learn more about climate justice, or read the full article about redlining and climate change by Rachel Ramirez at Grist.

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If you are looking for more articles and resources for Advocacy and Policy, take a look at these Giving Compass selections related to impact giving and Advocacy and Policy.

  • This article is deemed a must-read by one or more of our expert collaborators.
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    The Key Principles of Evidence-based Policymaking

    Giving Compass' Take: • Researchers at MDRC lay out three basic principles necessary for evidence-based policy-making to build a more fiscally responsible federal government that will ensure social programs are working.  •What are some principles that can help address how to measure the impact of social programs?  • Read more about the need for evidence-based policies. Both parties now agree that to ensure a high rate of return on the nation’s social programs, it is necessary to build evidence that they work. To take only the most recent examples of this consensus, Congress established the Commission on Evidence-Based Policymaking in 2016, and included evidence provisions in the Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act of 2014 and the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015. But more should be done to improve the nation’s research capabilities, to embed evidence building in government programs, and to put evidence at the heart of making policy. To create a more fiscally responsible federal government, promote the independent evaluation of programs and policies. To make informed decisions about how to spend government resources, policymakers and practitioners need evaluation findings that are credible, relevant, accurate, and timely. This information can help them decide what programs to improve, what programs to expand, and what programs to cut. Such information is even more urgent in a time of severe budget constraints and fiscal austerity. To make sure that the information is of high quality, federally supported evaluations should adhere to certain principles. Core principles They should be relevant to policy issues. They must be credible to the evaluations’ subjects and consumers. They should be independent of political and other undue external influences. Evaluations that uphold these principles can provide the information that policymakers and the public require. Just like any business committed to becoming a dynamic learning organization, the federal government should develop incentives for using research evidence to make programs more effective over time. In the course of administering their programs, government agencies collect enormous amounts of data they could use to track progress and to improve program performance. Yet federal and state agencies (and their contractors) cannot regularly access and share data for evaluation purposes. Read the full article on evidence-based policymaking by Therese Leung at MDRC.


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